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by the People,
and for the People’
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IN 1863,
two years
into the American Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln addressed a gathering at
the consecration of the Soldiers National Cemetery, in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania,
site of the recent battle four months earlier between Union and Confederate
armies.
Lincoln’s speech is immortalised principally in
the ringing quotation, ‘government of the people, by the people, and
for the people’ – though his application of it is quite different than that of
its originator, John Purvey, author of the General Prologue to John
Wycliffe’s translation of the Bible (1397), in which the words first appear,
and with which Lincoln was familiar. In each instance, the intended meaning is
that of Liberty.
At Gettysburg, Lincoln looked ahead to a
reconstructed, reunited nation and the reaffirmation of the founding principles
of the U.S. Constitution, the closest approach then to ‘democracy’ – rule by
the citizenry.
For Wycliffe (and Purvey), God’s Word
was to be the guide and governor of the people. Known as ‘the morning star of
the Reformation’, Wycliffe had witnessed the kidnapping of the Scriptures by
the Roman Catholic hierarchy, who then privatised it and cloaked it in mystery.
He laboured to make the Scriptures available in the language of the people
(Middle English), so they could understand it, be consecrated by it, and live
by its precepts. His followers, the Lollards, advanced the mission.
Modern democracy is a privilege long in the
making, and who would want to be without it? The whole earth seeks it. To
exercise one’s own will, to make commonplace decisions without fear of
persecution or slavery – this is a privilege beyond price, and is rightly
valued in the countries which safeguard it.
As we’ve pointed out before, the blessed
freedoms we enjoy in Britain have been fought for and hammered out over
centuries and – often after much bickering – legislated into the corpus of our
political constitution. And not just here. The ‘unalienable’ rights to ‘Life,
Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness’ of the American Declaration of
Independence are well known. Section 7 of Canada’s Charter of Rights makes a
similar declaration regarding ‘life, liberty and security of the person’. The
French Revolution gave us ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity’. All these are noble
and practical aspirations – when contained within appropriate religious or
social boundaries, and with due regard to fundamental justice.
In this increasingly secular world it is
unfashionable to speak of restraints on personal emancipation. Indeed, one of
the new ‘divine rights’ is that of individual choice. From this broad
notion flow new liberties that run counter to the traditional, conservative
mood in which just and necessary freedoms were originally developed.
The modern western world is now poised somewhere
between the humiliating oppressions of the past and the libertine excesses of
the future. The question could be decided either way. However, national and
regional legislation increasingly takes the permissive side, touching on those
stages of human life formerly regarded as semi-sacred events – birth, marriage,
and death. Widespread abortion, innovative forms of ‘marriage’, and legal and
medical moves toward assisted death are all extensions of this interpretation
of personal freedom: taking control of one’s own body. Western society,
enamoured with the goddess Freedom, is shifting perceptibly towards a world
without meaningful moral restraint. And regardless of the shades of reasoning
necessary in crafting such legislation – pro and con – the end
result is likely to be pernicious.
The Apostle’s sentiments underscore the
fundamental principle that, since God owns us (through Christ), we should
always behave in such a way as to reflect credit on Him, not abusing or
misusing our bodies and our energies in ungodly and damaging pursuits. But this
appeal is made not simply on the basis of raw compulsion – you must, you
owe – but rather on the grounds of our goodwill contract with Him, one
grounded in reciprocal love and affection. ‘We love, because He
first loved us’ (1 John 4: 19, NIV-UK; emphasis ours).
This reciprocity goes far beyond duty. It
contains within it all the appreciation, gratitude and devotion which the
ransomed soul feels toward the Saviour. It lies at the root of unselfish – agape
love – that type of love which clings to righteousness because it is good. It
is this highest form of love which the world in general cannot appreciate, not
being spiritually minded. Without it, society will never modify its behaviour
according to absolute morality, and expedience will eventually occupy the
saddle.
It will be some time yet before the worst effects of these social changes will be felt. In the meantime, we must endure immoral times, like righteous Lot in Sodom, who was ‘distressed by the filthy lives’ of the lawless (2 Peter 2: 7). We do well to re-dedicate ourselves daily to the will of God in Christ, who bought us with His blood.
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Appendix
The Gettysburg
Address: There are five copies extant; the expression, ‘under God’, does
not appear in all. The following is from the Bliss copy of 1864, written down
the year following its delivery:
‘Four score and seven years ago our fathers
brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and
dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
‘Now we are engaged
in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived
and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that
war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place
for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is
altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
‘But, in a larger
sense, we can not dedicate – we can not consecrate – we can not hallow – this
ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated
it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor
long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It
is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which
they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be
here dedicated to the great task remaining before us – that from these honored
dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full
measure of devotion – that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not
have died in vain – that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of
freedom – and that government of the people, by the people, for the people,
shall not perish from the earth.’
See <http://www.abrahamlincolnonline.org/lincoln/speeches/gettysburg.htm>
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